Career and family priorities of college students

Career and family priorities of college students This study was designed to observe the career and family priorities of college students. It was studied to determine whether men and women differ in feelings towards career and family. It was hypothesized that there would be an inverse relationship between career values and the importance of family life between men and women furthermore; female students would value the family life role, whereas male would prefer the occupational life role. It was tested with the help of Life Role Salience Scale (Amatea, Cross, Clark, Bobby, 1986). Thirty female and thirty male college students rated the scale. Statistical analysis demonstrated that women valued family more than career and men valued career more than family. INTRODUCTION: Everyday decision can be related to the essence of human. In todays society, individuals are trying to do it all-to find life satisfaction through a combination of multiple roles (e.g., career, marriage, parenting, homecare). Super (1990) theorized that ones life career is made up of many different roles occupied over the life span, including the roles of career person, home and family person, community member, student, and leisurite. However, if they are not spending their time in ways that are congruent with their values, they are unlikely to find the happiness they seek. Greehaus and Beutell (1985) theorized that the more important a role is to an individual, the more time and energy that person will invest in it, which will allow less time and energy for other roles. Super discussed participation, commitment and value expectations in relation to life roles. Participation is the amount of time spent in a role, whereas commitment and values expectations reflect the importance of th e role to the individual, and the degree to which the individual can meet their needs through that role (Super Neville, 1986). Satisfaction in life is related to role congruence, which is the amount of congruence between the level of participation in each life role and the level of commitment to and valuing of that role. For example, if an individual highly values and is highly committed to the family role, but only participates in this role 5% of the time, that individual will be less satisfied with life than an individual with greater congruence between valuing/commitment and participation. Research has demonstrated that inconsistency between role participation and role commitment may cause increased psychological distress and decreased marital quality (Voydanoff Donnelly, 1999).Graduating senior women on the Berkeley campus overwhelmingly reported that they expected to be married, to have children and to have a career. Nearly nine-tenths are planning to earn graduate degrees in law, medicine, science, or business, and half expect to earn as much if not more, than their future husbands. Simultaneously, they hope to raise two or three children each and to interrupt their careers for extended amounts of time, (Six months to twelve years) in order to care for their children. Some researchers say that women place family before career and like to spend large amount of time at home, especially when their children are young. And women with children earn significantly less than either men or women without children. College women and men are quite similar in one respect they both want partners or spouses and they both want children. Ninety percent of the women and men in one of the research say that women hope to marry and have children. But one asks these students how they plan to combine their careers, marriages, and children, striking differences appear. They wanted their husbands to work continuously. It would be strange, said one, echoing the sentiments of man y, if I was at work and he was at home. But many of the men were tentative about their future wives employment. Several men stated they wanted there wives to stay home after she had children. Clearly, both women and men see the husbands job as essential to the economic well-being and survival of their future families and the wifes job as optional-a luxury they can choose to add on or take off at will. Most of the students come from fairly traditional homes-their mothers were responsible for cooking, doing the dishes, and cleaning the house while their fathers made money and fixed things around the house. Students say that mother took care of the kids and the house while father went out to work and earn money. Extensive research indicates that college men and women endorse both achievements goals such as career development and marital goals. Many researchers have found that college men and women are increasingly similar in their goals and value orientations. Scant information is avai lable about how women and men with similarly strong and equal motivations toward the achievement of goals and the maintenance of affiliative relationships will prioritize, make decisions, and interact when achievement demands and personal relationships conflict. Students reveal ignorance of the career hazards of interruptions in employment, and lack of awareness of the family sacrifices and stresses attendant to career commitment (Catalyst, 1987; Phillips Johnston, 1985; Zuckerman, 1980). As men and women in college today think about their future and plan for work and family, they are exposed to a variety of mixed messages relating to gender. Gender socialization continues to influence young peoples identities and stereotypes from the past frame choices (e.g., Angrist Almquist, 1975; Komarovsky, 1985; Machung, 1989) for students as they move into a society which, at least theoretically, permits equality of opportunities regardless of gender. Yet, participation of women in the work force has increased significantly and attitude surveys indicate that we are much more accepting of women taking active roles in our society (e.g. Mason Lu, 1988). Nevertheless, women still face considerable occupational segregation (Blau Ferber, 1985). Research suggests that women continue to oversee management of home, children and social activities of the family, while men help with household tasks (Hochschild et al., 1989) since discrimination results in women earning less money for eq ual time at work, men can justify their non-involvement in household chores because they must provide for the family. Thus, despite many changes, todays college students have grown up in traditional families where women have had to assume the majority of household tasks, whether they worked outside of the home or not. Consequently, many traditional gender expectations are maintained by the structural inequality in our society. According to Eccles, womens career choices will differ from mens because they place more value on family and relationships. Machungs (1989) interviews with 30 graduating Berkeley seniors, illustrates the contradictions which occur between the changing role of women in society and the traditional roles we still hold for women and men in the family. The women whom Machung interviewed wanted careers, but recognized that their career paths would be interrupted by family and children. The men researcher spoke to, on the other hand, planned their career with the exp ectation of having a support system (wives) to care for their homes and families. The women in other studies (e.g., Komarovsky, 1985; Maines Hardesty, 1987; Angrist Almquist, 1975) also express tentativeness of plans for their work life, in which career planning becomes contingency planning or planning around husbands and children. Women in these studies expect to be working most of their adult life, but also expect that their family will take priority over work as needed. Sociological functionalists saw employment and family in an earlier and family life in an earlier historical period as well-integrated (Parsons and Smelser 1956; Goode 1960). Only one person, the male breadwinner, participated in the labour force; the wife/mother met childcare, house-hold upkeep, and other pattern maintenance needs. Husbands and wives were thus specialists in their roles. Societal restrictions on employment for women of childbearing age reduced work/family conflict and stress. Today in our socie ty there is almost universal support in principle for equal opportunity however; traditional attitudes regarding womens family roles persist. Employed women thus experience conflict between work outside the home and family responsibilities (Mortimer and London, 1984; Mortimer and Sorensen, 1984). Pleck (1984) finds that traditional norms promote asymmetrically permeable boundaries in the roles of men and women. For men, the work role dominates; the family is expected to accommodate to its requirements. To support their work involvement, men spend relatively little time on family work. Because the male family role inextricably entails being a good breadwinner (Bernard, 1984), male workplace success simultaneously fulfills both work and family role responsibilities. On the other hand, women are expected to stress family obligations over activities related to employment. Womens work roles often give to accommodate the family (e.g., women with young children often work part-time or inte rmittently). Thus, employment doesnt radically disrupt the traditional core wife/ mother responsibilities. In essence, employed married women have two jobs, one in the workplace, the second in the family; this normative pattern has negative implications for their socio economic attainment (Marini, 1989). Therefore what normative controls used to accomplish (i.e., a women was expected to quit work when she married or had children). Adolescence is widely recognized as a critical life stage for vocational development (Erickson 1963) and crystallization of future plans. Adolescent work and family orientations are therefore expected both to reflect changing work/ family linkages and to contribute to them in the future. Public opinion trends (McLaughlin, 1988) show that widespread behavioral change (e. g., wives employment) often precedes attitudinal change (e.g., approval of wives working). Moreover, status attainment researchers have demonstrated that educational and occupational aspirations influence attainments (Sewell and Hauser, 1975). Given these reciprocal relations of work and family structures, it is important to continually monitor trends in young peoples work attitudes and behaviors. Recent research shows that future work (Farmer, 1983; Shapiro and Crowley, 1982) and family (Affleck, Morgan, and Hays, 1989; Machung 1989; Joss Elson, Greenberger and McConchie, 1977a, 1977b; Maines and Hardest, 1987) cont inue to be central life interests for adolescent boys and girls, with both planning to spend significant portions of their lives in the labor force and in families. A major gender difference persists in that girls more often plan to work part-time and intermittently rather than full-time to accommodate competing work and family role demands (Machung, 1989; OConnell, Betz, and Kurth, 1989).Young women often anticipate that career and family life will be problematic if perused simultaneously (Machung 1989; Ward and Rubin1989; Archer1985; Crowley and shapiro1982). Tangri and Jenkinss (1986)1980 survey of 1967 college female graduates showed a dramatic increase in reported conflict between career and marriage in the post graduate years. Adolescent males ,in contrast ,see their adult work and family roles as more congruent; they see few problems in wanting both careers and families(archer1985).This is to be expected since families do not impede adult mens career(Mortimer and Sorensen 198 4 ).Maines and Hardesy (1987)conclude, young men and women anticipate participating in basically the same categories of activity(education, work, family),butà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦differ in their assumptions about the nature and extent of that participation. Men expect ability and labour market opportunities to determine their futures, while women face the problem of how to integrate these various dimensions of their lives (Maines and Hardesty, 1987). Regan and Roland (1982) investigated marginal shifts in university seniors life goals and vocational aspirations, finding that they had changed over the decade of the 1970s. Women graduating in1979 expected careers to be the primary source of future satisfaction but also indicated that family relationships were still very important. Van Maanem and associates (1977) argue that an understanding of careers should focus on the interaction among individual aspirations, family concerns, and work demands. We therefore, build a measure of lifestyle co mmitment, constructed from individuals ordering of life goals, to investigate relationships. Gender differences in work and family experiences have been a consistently important theme in work-family research (Lewis Cooper, 1999). On the basis of Greenhaus and Beutells argument about the importance of role salience to the work-family conflict (Greenhaus Beutell, 1985), many scholars have hypothesized that women experience more work-family conflict than men because of their typically greater home responsibilities and their allocation of more importance to family roles. However, more recent researchers have discovered that men and women do not differ on their level of work- family conflict (Blanchard-Fields, 1997). In those studies where gender differences were found. The unanticipated results regarding gender and the work-family conflict raise the possibility that researchers emphasis on between-gender differences may mask important within-gender variation in work- family conflict. Within-gender variation may be as critical as between-gender differences in explaining work-fa mily conflict. Gender identity does not stand separate from other identity issues. Rather, it is part of a complex psychological and social process whereby men and women adopt varying degrees of traditionally masculine and feminine roles and responsibilities (Anderson Leslie, 1991). Social and cultural factors, as well as the individuals abilities and personality characteristics, mediate the relationship between gender and work-family conflict (Farmer, 1985). Thus, individual variation within gender can provide valuable information beyond the mere knowledge of gender in order to explain differences among persons regarding work-family conflict. The range of findings in the literature highlights the need to attend to the variation in mens and womens beliefs about the importance of work and family roles, rather than to generalize to all men and to all women (Kerpelman Schvaneveldt, 1999). Understanding this variation may contribute to a more coherent and comprehensive explanation of work-family conflict. The aim of this study is to explore gender differences in work-family conflict while attending to both between- and within-gender variation in perceptions of importance of work and family life roles. In the study we considered the importance attributed simultaneously to both work and family roles by both men and women. This approach should facilitate more precise understandings and may clarify some of the mixed findings of previous research concerning gender differences in work-family conflict. Role salience was typically determined by examining commitment and values regarding work or family roles (Neville Super, 1986). It is important to note that these researchers investigated work salience or home salience without simultaneously considering the relative importance of both roles in an individuals life. Much of the research on career and family orientation has disregarded the perceived relative importance of both work and family roles. As a result, these studies do not reflect the growing recognition that work and family are interdependent spheres of life (Rapport Rapport, 1971; Westman Piotrkowski, 1999). Despite the increase in womens involvement in demanding occupations and the substantial rise of womens vocational aspirations over recent decades (Gerstein, Lichtman, Barokas,1988), mens occupational goals and aspirations frequently exceed those of women. For example, Leung, Conoley, and Schell (1994) found that women generally have lower career aspirations than do comparably talented men. During socialization to work and family roles, men are traditionally raised to pursue the provider role and women the marital/ family role (Major, 1989). Many women in the West continue to be socialized to believe that being a wife and raising a family is the first priority in life and that financial independence and career advancement is secondary (Gilbert, 1993) by this findings we can anticipate that more women than men will fit the Family profile that comprises ind ividuals who assign high importance to the family and relatively low importance to work. Similarly, if young men are raised to adopt the provider role more than young women, it is likely that more men than women fit the Work profile, and assign high levels of importance to the work role and relatively low importance to family roles. By this we can say that women will be represented most often in the Family profile and least in the Work profile. Men were expected to most frequently fit the Work profile and least frequently the Family profile. In research we assumed that womens values and commitment regarding parent and spouse roles would be higher than mens. In addition, following most research findings (Major, 1993; Schwartzberg Dytell, 1996), we anticipated that mens values and commitment to the work role would be higher than that of women. Many women are expected to feel primary obligation to the family role (Schwartzberg Dytell, 1996; Tompson Walker, 1989). Many researchers ha ve found that college men and women are increasingly similar in their goals and value orientations. Scant information is available about how women and men with similarly strong and equal motivations toward the achievement of goals and the maintenance of affiliative relationships will prioritize, make decisions, and interact when achievement demands and personal relationships conflict. Students reveal ignorance of the career hazards of interruptions in employment, and lack of awareness of the family sacrifices and stresses attendant to career commitment (Catalyst, 1987; Phillips Johnston, 1985; Zuckerman, 1980). As men and women in college today think about their future and plan for work and family, they are exposed to a variety of mixed messages relating to gender. Gender socialization continues to influence young peoples identities and stereotypes from the past frame choices (e.g., Angrist Almquist, 1975; Komarovsky, 1985; Machung, 1989) for students as they move into a society which, at least theoretically, permits equality of opportunities regardless of gender. Yet, participation of women in the work force has increased significantly and attitude surveys indicate that we are much more accepting of women taking active roles in our society (e.g.. Mason Lu, 1988). Nevertheless, women still face considerable occupational segregation (Blau Ferber, 1985). Research suggests that women continue to oversee management of home, children and social activities of the family, while men help with household tasks (Hochschild, 1989; Bernardo, Shehan, Leslie, 1987; Coverman Sheley, 1986, Berk, 1985). Since discrimination results in women earning less money for equal time at work, men can justify their non-involvement in household chores because they must provide for the family. Thus, despite many changes, todays college students have grown up in traditional families where women have had to assume the majority of household tasks, whether they worked outside of the home or not. Consequently, many traditional gender expectations are maintained by the structural inequality in our society. The purpose this study was to identity the relationship between male and female college students priorities in terms of there future goals regarding career and family. It was hypothesis that there would be an inverse relationship between career values and the importance of family life between men and women furthermore; female students would value the family life role, whereas male would prefer the occupational life role. Methods Participants In the present study there were two groups consisting of total 60 subjects of which there were thirty female students and thirty male students in the age group 17-22 years. The samples were selected randomly from different colleges. Material The instrument used for the study was life role salience scale. The scale had four different sub-scales dealing with occupational, parental, martial and homecare. Life role salience scale was assed on five point Likert scale ranging from a score of (disagree-1, somewhatdisagree-2, neitheragreenordisagree-3, somewhatagree-4, and agree-5). The purpose of this research was to find reliable information. The first section of the survey consisted of a small section of demographics, including age, gender, major, ethnicity, and academic classification. The second part of the survey contained the Life Role Salience Scales (LRSS), which measured variables of gender, career goals, and family priorities (Amatea, Cross, Clark, Bobby, 1986). The LRSS contained forty value statements regarding feelings about work and family roles. In addition, the LRSS was assessed on a five point Likert scale, ranging from a score of one (disagree) to five (agree). The scale is geared toward role reward value and role commitment level (Amatea et. al., 1986). It also identifies four major life roles as occupational, marital, parental, and homecare. The purpose of this scale is to obtain reliable information pertaining to future career and family expectations of male and female college students (Amatea et. al., 1986). Design: The present study was quasi-experimental design. The subject variable was the gender of the participant, and the dependent variable was whether or not the participant rated his or her career role or family role as more important. This is determined by the participants score on the two Occupational subsets of the LRSS and the participants score on the Parental, Marital, and Homecare subsets. The age group of 20-25 was taken for the study. This particular age group was taken so as to see where this age is where people take decisions regarding career and family. Procedure: The students who volunteered where given consent form and the instructions were read aloud and were also mentioned in the questionnaire. The participants were debriefed on the true nature of the study. Specifically, they were told that the experiment was not about the social opinions about men and women, but on the priorities of male and female career and family values. Once again, all the questions were addressed and students received contact information for any further questions that they may have. Results The data analyzed for this experiment was based on the LRSS which measured family as a combination of homecare, parental and marital roles and assessed career values through occupational role expectations (Amatea al., 1986). Means and standard deviation for all the scales, by gender are shown in Table1. The data displayed variability between males and females in regard to parental role expectations. Overall, the means between genders exhibited significance, and were detected in levels of an independent samples t-test shown in Table 1.According to the data, their was large difference between both men and women in terms of parental role scale. (t=2.45*). As a result the difference between the results of both genders on LRSS reveals that females assessed a higher value towards the parental role than males. Furthermore, the differences between gender in relation to homecare expectation was significant (t=3.17*) which suggests that female preferred homecare role more than males. These res ults support our hypothesis, which stated that there is an inverse relationship between gender, career and family values. Table 2 presents the paired samples t-test; comparisons of the means between the occupational and parental roles were significant. (t=2.63*).table3 shows the paired samples statistics of life role expectation between males. By comparing the means, their was a significant difference (t=2.15*) between male occupational and marital views. Table 1- Gender Life Role Descriptive and Independent Samples Statistics Male Female mean sd mean Sd T Occupational 39.93 3.28 37.93 3.43 2.30 Parental 37.97 4.01 40.77 4.80 2.45 Martial 34.63 4.00 40.75 4.76 5.39 Homecare 37.63 2.16 40.47 4.39 3.17 P Table 2- Female Life Role Paired Samples Statistics mean sd T Occupational Parental 37.93 3.43 2.67 40.77 4.80 Occupational Martial 37.93 3.43 2.63 40.75 4.29 Occupational Homecare 37.93 3.43 2.49 40.47 4.39 P Table 3- Male Life Role Paired Samples Statistics mean sd T Occupational Parental 39.93 3.28 2.0722 37.97 4.01 Occupational Martial 39.93 3.28 5.6119 34.63 4.00 Occupational Homecare 39.93 3.28 3.2077 37.63 2.16 P Discussion This study investigated career and family values of college students. The first purpose of this study was to identify whether or not males and females had different priorities concerning family life and occupational roles. In the present sample of thirty males and thirty females, significant differences were observed between family and career expectations. According to our analysis, females appeared to value the parental role greater than males. This finding suggests that women assess a larger significance towards family priorities than men who value career. These findings supported our hypothesis, which said that there would be a difference in career and family priorities between genders. As hypothesized, females appeared to value the parental role greater than the occupational role. Thus, females held higher expectations for having a family, rather than a career. Likewise, males showed a preference for occupation, as opposed to marriage. Consequently, males viewed having a career a s a greater importance than having a family. Overall, the results of this study highlight the tendency for females to value family priorities, as opposed to males who value career. This finding is also different from gender-role traditionalism research, which suggests that both male and female attitudes change correspondingly during college (Bryant, 2003). Furthermore, results of the present study also indicated that among females, women were more likely to value family, as opposed to career. Past research, such as the Valedictorian Project, obtained results congruent with our findings. Arnold (1993) attributed these outcomes to lowered career aspirations possibly due to female beliefs regarding family-work conflict. In other words, women lowered their career goals to avoid future work conflict and experience fewer family life demands (Arnold, 1993). This finding suggested that external factors (such as occupational stress) tend to lower womens desire to achieve career goals. On the other hand, additional research indicated that universal work expectations were common between genders, in that both males and females contained aspirations in regard to high education, work, and family values (Maines Hardesty, 1987). Similar studies also suggested that women, who pursued high-level careers and contained greater occupational aspirations, appeared to value high quality career roles over family roles (Faver, 1982). These findings, although they were incongruent with our results, suggested that women and men valued career equally. Many studies have emphasized that womens career and domestic choices are situational and change over time, that women negotiate their positions and form ideologies in accordance with various circumstances encountered over their life courses (Gerson 1985; Hochschild with Machung 1989; Jacobs 1989). While not denying the validity of this position, the study suggests that many women students, even before they have had any experience with marri age, motherhood and extra domestic work are incompatible and that husbands are reliable lifelong providers -that help to shape their core identities we suggest that these ideologies influence the choices and decisions, students make as they go through college and enter the world of work, which in turn condition and limit other choices they may wish to make as the circumstances of their lives change. Ultimately, an individuals priorities navigate that person throughout life. A persons values guide him or her in attaining future goals. The very nature of human beings is dependent on critical decisions based on their priorities, which result in life roles. Thus, value lies in identifying gender priorities, in which future human behavior may be predicted. Consequently, future research on the career and family values of college undergraduates is needed to investigate how males and females of different ethnic backgrounds value career and family role expectations, whether or not an increas ed sample size would affect the results of the present study, and the influence of college environmental factors (size, religious affiliation, and location) on gender values. Finally, eliminating media tactics geared toward unrealistic gender stereotypes would decrease the gender-role social pressures exerted on males and females. By projecting realistic and non-traditional attitudes, both men and women would expand their life role opportunities. Womens achievement orientations are clearly not less than males. But women do not feel they must sacrifice their family roles to achieve the arenas of education and work. They anticipate that future family roles will be more important to them than males. Males see their future educational and work as more important than family. Although women expect to earn less than men, they have similarly high expectations for income as their male peers. However, we also find many differences between males and females which imply that traditional gender roles may be influencing plans for their futures. Of particular interest is the gender difference in self-perception. Although females perform well in academics than male they are likely to see themselves as less able than their male. The difference in self-perception is particularly perplexing. These findings support a traditional gender socialization model in which males and all things masculine are valued and females and all things feminine are devalued. Women may be socialized to devalue their own achievements whereas males, despite lower abilities would be pressured to overestimate their abilities. Therefore, responses such as these may be appropriate for both young men and women of marriageable age if they live in a world where men are expected to be superior (Eccles, 1987). We also find that men and women have very different expectations form roles in the home and work place. Although both sexes feel that a good marriage and family are important, men do not feel it is important for them to maintain household activities. Furthermore, males hold more traditional values about women combining work and family, and are more likely to wan their wives to remain at home. Likewise, women place more importance on hous ehold roles, expect to be employed for fewer hours, and are more likely than male

Budget Request: Hiring New Officers in the Community Essay

1. Include at least two (2) robust justifications for hiring new police officers. The justification should anticipate the key questions that the chief executive and council will likely ask. a. If this request is the result of an increased workload, how quickly did the workload increase? Could the increased workload be covered by part-time employees or by shifting employees from another area? b. How long have you known this need was developing? Was the manager previously briefed on the growing workload? c. If the request is not funded, what impact will it have on the department? On citizens? (Hint: If your request is not funded this year, managers often look to see if a request is repeatedly put forward to gauge its urgency. ) The present police force include thirty uniformed officers, there is an immediate need to hire three to five more officers. The many of the citizens in this city have observed crime in the downtown area is rising rapidly. With a population of over 75,000 residents in the community, I strongly encourage increasing our police force to offset of crime rate in the community. For every police office there are 2500 citizens at that ratio we are definitely under manned. The budget while important cannot be the determining factor. Our officers must know that we support them as a department and want them to be apart of their families lives. Much of the data from my department show no increase of crime rate however we cannot substaine control of this amount of population without adding to the force. With many veterans returning home from the wars we should be able to get qualified applicants. When hiring these types of talents there will be less money in the training of the individual and more concentration on the duty of the officer saving the community more money. This request will be justified as an increase in crime and workload has increased over the years, the crime and workload has risen moderately over the six year period we never hired new officers and now seems like a great time to contain the problem. The increased workload and crime increase will have to be covered by three full time employees and two part time employees. This need has been developing since the year of 2006 when the economy seemed to be going into an economic depression, when people began losing their jobs crime increased and the workload for the officers went up as well because they were handling situations they were not accustomed to such as counseling families and being mentors to children whose parents were working to help with the ever rising gas and food prices. The manager was informed of the changes in the workload and bought it to my attention that something has to be done or we will lose business in the area due to crime and on other factors. If the request is not funded this will have a major impact on the department the public will no longer believe we are here to protect them just to satisfy a fiscal budget that is drawn up every year. People in the communities will then feel as though they will have to take the law into their own hands causing turmoil within the communities. My second justification citizen appreciation and safety, hiring the new officers will show citizens that we put their public safety knowing that our budget will not be balanced. Analysis executed by the statistical department forecast and increase done by my team and the increase in the population is what prompts us to request for the hiring of new officers. Community policing is required in each community by officers hired through the state this type of policing promotes structural strategies, which provides the officers with partnerships and problem-solving skills, that will deter crime and social disorder. The safeties of each citizen will the number one concern citizens should feel safe walking home from school, the movies or even walking to their dogs. This justification of hiring new officers will just make people feel safer, when they see our patrol cars covering their areas, and also when they see our officers in their local school protecting their kids from any type of violence or verbal assaults. This year we are seeing the biggest increase in retirees, our senior officers are retiring this is also a factor in our need to hire new officers. The first objection would be that after doing the analysis of 911 response calls and hands-on activities of the officer do we really need more fficers? The officers are very efficient and they exceed all of their goals that are placed before them currently. With crime rate at in the community at six year low, why do we need these officers? With the hiring of these new officers the demand for overtime pay with the existing officers will decrease. Overtime cost the department a significant amount it also puts a mental strain on the officers. Financing of the new officer packaging will come fr om those decreases. Another objection proposed revenue for salaries where does it come from? We are going to approve a parcel tax that would give the city millions of dollars to hire more police officers? Will there also be a program in place where the community participates in helping the officers with crime control? If this is put in to place then there will not be a need to higher new officers because this will cut down on cost. Not many citizens oppose hiring five new police officers because of the immediate benefit to morale of the city and police department. One objection is proper allocation of funds throughout the force. With the addition al officers being added on the force their will be additional arrests, court appointed lawyers assigned to the case, and over populated jails. Each of the benefits lead to an increase of fines and revenue collections by the judicial courts. Prevention is the key when thinking of arrests and jail numbers; with the increase in police officers there will be an increase in costs within the community and state trickling to the federal government as well. The cost of equipment replacement and repair could play a role in the investment of new officers. If there is an increase in officers within the community what guarantees that the rate of crime in the downtown area will decrease? There are other areas within the state that has an increase in crime would these officers be beneficial for all areas or just the intended areas? Will the citizens of the city have to worry about a tax hike to pay for these officers? These are very relevant questions that should be answered only to protect the citizens within the community. In conclusion the budget request definitely points towards the hiring of the officers, more than one hundred percent of the money goes to creating jobs. Job creation is very important to the community because it provides family stability. There is funding in the federal government that includes grants if you are hiring police officers and the COPS Hiring Program (CHP) this program has awarded 111 million dollars in grant money to help with the hiring of police officers. (http://www. cops. usdoj. gov/Default. asp? Item=2367). With the increase of crime increasing within the community there is much need for the new officers to be hired our number one goal is to protect the people of the community and state. Police officers are here to suppress the fear of crime and also to decrease the rate of crime. There are many factors that are covered by the federal government when funding each state with enough funding for police enforcement. The federal government uses these funds to initiate activities that combat violence in local communities, including $25 million for the Community- Based Violence Prevention Initiatives that aim to reduce gun and other violence among youth gangs in cities and towns across the country.

SIDS: A Traumatic and Tragic Disease

SIDS (Sudden Infant Death Syndrome) is a traumatic and tragic disease that affects thousands of babies throughout the world every year. There is no way of explaining the death of a child that has SIDS and there are no real ways of predicting if it could happen to any baby. What makes SIDS even worse is that the source of what exactly may be the cause of it is still unknown. Advanced research in the last 30 years has dramatically reduced the number of deaths. SIDS not only affects the infants but also the families of the infant and it proves to be a very tough and emotional experience for them. So what exactly is SIDS? The term SIDS was finally defined in 1969 as the sudden death of an infant or child, which is unexpected by history and in which a through post-mortem examination fails to demonstrate an adequate cause of death (Culbertson 3). Basically this is another way of saying that it is not known why these babies die. SIDS is not a new disease contrary to what some people might believe, but it has been happening throughout time, unexplained deaths of babies are even recorded in the bible. SIDS was probably the most neglected disease ever recorded in history of man. It wasn†t until recently that major steps were taken to figure out why babies were dying so unexpectedly and what could we do to prevent it from happening. So what exactly causes SIDS and is there anything we can do to prevent it? Well as of right now, the cause of SIDS is unknown. We do not know what causes SIDS and there are no consistent warning signs that might alert us to the risk of it. However, scientists and researchers have discovered many things that might attribute to the causes of SIDS. SIDS almost always occurs at night when the infant is sleeping. A higher incidence of SIDS is seen among premature and low birth weight children. Women who smoke and let their children be exposed to smoke give their children a higher risk of SIDS. Low birth rates among children have a higher chance of getting SIDS. Finally there is a much higher rate of SIDS when infants are placed on their stomach to sleep. (Culbertson, 8-10) One of the biggest recommendations physicians make to new parents today is to let their babies sleep on their back. Putting them on their back greatly decreases the risk of SIDS to their children. These are just some of the things that have been THEORIZED by scientists and researchers that are possibilities that could be attributing factors to SIDS. But of course these are all theories that have been developed by researchers by statistics. Statistics is one of the greatest tools we have today to help us learn about the characteristics of SIDS. Since we don†t know what it is, seeing how it works and what things we can do to help slow it down are obviously good. Throughout history, before SIDS was defined, the accepted explanation was that either the baby choked on itself or was rolled on by the parents during sleep. Possibly an accepted answer due to the lack of knowledge in the past but know we know that most of the time they were wrong. Since there is no cure for SIDS, scientists and researchers have been studying new ways of possibly preventing it from happening to infants. New nursing techniques developed over the last 30 years have actually dramatically reduced the number of infant deaths caused by SIDS. But still we must not forget the fact we still don†t know what causes SIDS itself. That is what makes this so terrible, that researchers have all these techniques to help prevent SIDS but we still don†t know what we are preventing. Death by SIDS leaves a traumatic and terrible effect left on the parents and family members. A SIDS death usually promotes intense emotional reactions among surviving family members. After the initial shock and disbelief, parents often fall into a prolonged depression usually of self-denial about if they killed their baby. This depression can affect their sleeping, eating, ability to concentrate, and general energy level. (Culbertson 190-193) Crying, weeping, incessant talking, and strong feelings of guilt or anger are all normal reactions. Many parents experience unreasonable fears that they or someone in their family is in danger. Over protection of surviving children and fears for future children is a common reaction. As the finality of the child†s death becomes a reality for the parents, recovery finally occurs. Birthdays, holidays, anniversaries often trigger painful memories of the loss (Culbertson, 186-188). Children can also be affected by the loss. Many children may develop a fear that they themselves might die. In many cases children will also feel guilty about the death feeling that possibly it was their fault. However, children may deny being upset and try to hide their emotions which is a reason why most parents have to talk with their children and assure them it is not going to happen to them. (Culbertson,190-193) One of the true bright spots about the fight against SIDS is that in the last 20 years, deaths caused by SIDS have dropped dramatically in the United States and the rest of the world. Currently the average in the world among SIDS deaths is between 0. 5-3. 0 deaths per thousand (Culbertson,11). When comparing to that when it was first studied at about an average of 15-20 deaths per thousand(Bergman,10-11), a major improvement has been seen. However, though it isn†t that high of a number, it still accounts for 20 percent of all deaths between the ages of one month and one year and 95 percent of that between 2 months and 4 months. Guntheroth,70-73). It is important to point out that most all statistics of SIDS come from developed countries, countries that have the money to perform autopsies on infants. We can only assume that in undeveloped countries, which have a very high infant mortality rate to begin with, the presence of SIDS is there and probably have a much higher rate than in developed countries because throughout the world, SIDS rates are very constant with one another wherever studies have and can be conducted. SIDS ranks only second to injuries as the greatest cause of death to children who are less than 15 years of age and it takes more lives than leukemia, heart disease, cystic fibrosis, and muscular dystrophy in that age period. ( Bergman, xi). So in conclusion to all of this, there still is very little information on what exactly causes SIDS. Unlike other diseases, which we know the cause of, SIDS is the one that we don†t have any knowledge on what the source is that causes it. One of the most important statements but disheartening is that SIDS is a â€Å"disease of theories†(Bergman, 12). Everything we know, all the information that is produced and published is all just a theory because we don†t even know what happened and what caused the death. So where do we go from here? What can be done to stop this terrible disease? Who knows. All we can do is sit back and hope someone†s â€Å"theory† is the right one and be thankful that this disease only affects 1-3 infants per thousand born. There are so many questions but not nearly enough answers and until that day we can only do what the experts tell us to do and hopefully the SIDS disease will almost become non-existent.

Palawan Vocal Music - 4111 Words

Palawan: Folk Music of Palawan Vocal Music : Bagit, Kulial, (song), Tultul (epic chant), Ulit (shamanic chant) Instrumental music : Aruding ( Jew’s harp), babarak (ring flute) suling (banded Flute), basal (gong), kusyapiq (lute) , pagang (bamboo zither)u Social Functions: Ritual music, music of expressing contrasting emotions, Composition : Bird songs, Kulial songs, Epic songs (i.e kudaman) People of Palawan * Tau’T batu tribe -They are a sub-group of the Palaw’an tribe that live in the Singnapan Valley found in the southern part of Palawan. They live in the caves during rainy seasons and farm using the kaingin system during dry seasons. As compared to the other tribes, they are familiar with business or trading concepts like†¦show more content†¦The harp is a multi-string instrument which has the plane of its strings positioned perpendicularly to thesoundboard. Organologically, it is in the general category of chordophones (stringed instruments) and has its own sub category (the harps). All harps have a neck, resonator and strings. Some, known as frame harps, also have a pillar; those without the pillar are referred to as open harps. Depending on its size, which varies, a harp may be played while held in the lap or while it stands on a table, or on the floor. Harp strings may be made of nylon, gut, wire or silk. Cebuano Music The wide repertoire of Visayan songs includes ballads, lullabies, harana (serenade), childrens songs, working songs, drinking songs, nonsense songs, and a lively song-and-dance debate called balitaw. For a sampling of one or more of these genres, click on the links below.Ako Anak ni Tatay (childrens song) Ilo nga Bata (childrens song) Pakitong-kitong (nonsense song) Si Pelimon (work song) Ako kini si Angi (work song) Sa Lungsod sa Buenavista (ballad) Matud Nila (love song) Adiyos Nanay ug Tatay (wedding song) Dandansoy (drinking song) Balitaw (debate song) Traditions: 1. Sinulog in honor of Santo Nià ±o (Cebu) The famous Sinulog festival in Cebu City is held every year on the third Sunday of January. The festival is